BELGRADE PUBLIC OPINION AND THE UPRISING IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA, 1875–76

Abstract

On the eve of the Great Eastern Crisis, Belgrade—the capital of the tributary Principality of Serbia—had a population of 27,605, of whom 48.8% were literate. The city’s social and economic public opinion was largely shaped by its merchant, artisan, and clerks, while the most engaged segments of the public included intellectuals, civil servants, military officers, and students. Due to Belgrade’s significant political, economic, and cultural influence, its public opinion had a profound impact on the broader national sentiment. The liberation of the Serbian people from Ottoman rule constituted a central objective of the Principality’s national policy throughout the 19th century. The processes of German and Italian unification, alongside other European national emancipation movements in the mid-19th century, served as important stimuli for the development of a strong national movement among Serbs. This movement, informally referred to as Omladina (The Youth) was formally organized as the Ujedinjena omladina srpska (United Serbian Youth, 1866–1871). Prominent members of the Serbian government during the crisis of 1875 76, including Jovan Ristić, Jevrem Grujić, and Milovan Janković, were themselves former members of Omladina, which played a key role in articulating liberal-nationalist ideals. The movement advocated a liberal political agenda centered on national liberation, freedom of the press, the establishment of a representative National Assembly, legal equality, and the abolition of capital punishment. From the outset of the uprising in Bosnia and Herzegovina, liberal newspapers such as Istok (published in Serbia) and Zastava (published in Novi Sad) mounted extensive campaigns in support of the rebels and refugees, openly calling for war against the Ottoman Empire. In contrast, conservative and socialist newspapers such as Vidovdan, Šumadija, and Staro oslobođenje exerted only limited influence on public opinion. Public sentiment in Belgrade was also shaped by the decisions of the National Assembly, the government, and municipal authorities. The appointment of the liberal government— the so-called “first action ministry”—in August 1875, the military review held in Belgrade in November, and church services commemorating fallen uprising leaders all elicited significant civic participation. In April 1876, a major public event was organized in Belgrade to honor Jeanne Merkus, a Dutch woman who participated in the uprising. Belgrade’s public opinion response to the uprising in Bosnia and Herzegovina was further reflected in the activities of numerous civic associations. These included Žensko društvo, the Women’s Society founded in 1875), the Serbian branch of the Red Cross (established in 1876), Građanska kasina (the Citizens’ House – an association of merchants), the student association Pobratimstvo (Brotherhood), as well as various choirs and theater troupes. These organizations were actively involved in collecting and distributing aid to displaced and affected populations from Bosnia and Herzegovina. Despite widespread public enthusiasm for supporting the uprising, even at the risk of war, many citizens of Belgrade were either unwilling or financially unable to pay the extraordinary war tax mandated by law, and there was limited military turnout for the February 1876 review, which were clear indicators of Serbia’s unpreparedness for armed conflict. The Principality of Serbia entered the First Serbian–Ottoman War without adequate preparation, resulting in military defeat. Among the contributing factors to this outcome were the effects of liberal propaganda and the public opinion shaped under its influence.